The Presidency has substantiated its claims that the Vice-President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, conspired to loot the Petroleum Technology Development Funds. However, Atiku won't yield any ground. He fired back furiously with his account of how President Olusegun Obasanjo benefitted from the loot.
The Presidency asserted that the controversial N100m that Atiku alleged was donated to the 2003 poll fund of the Obasanjo – Atiku Campaign Organisation by Governor Joshua Dariye of Plateau State, was actually deposited into the vice-president’s account. This is a difference of claim between the warring camps that probably only the EFCC can categorically explain.
The Presidency’s reactions were issued in a statement by the Senior Special Assistant (Media) to the President, Mrs. Oluremi Oyo. Here is the statement from the President:
Statement by Mrs. Remi Oyo
[Senior Special Assistant, Media,
to the President Obasanjo]
Refuting Vice-President Atiku Abubakar's Defence
Sep 12, 2006
On Tuesday, September 6, 2006, President Olusegun Obasanjo forwarded two reports to the National Assembly: report of the investigation of the funds of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC); the findings of the Administrative Panel on the investigation of the PTDF by the EFCC. Since the reports were received by the National Assembly, attempts have been made to read political meanings into a purely administrative and constitutional issue. That, really is to be expected, especially as the matter concerns high political office holders. However, we observe that most of the commentaries, to be modest, ignore the facts of the case.
Why the investigation
Following a dispute between NDTV and iGate chaired by Vernon J. Jackson, Congressman William J. Jefferson, representing Second Congressional District of Louisiana on May 28, 2004, wrote to President Obasanjo alleging corruption in the PTDF. To understand the origin and motive of the investigation of the PTDF in the first instance, it will be necessary to copiously quote Mr. Jefferson:
''One of the principals of NDTV demanded a kick-back of one million dollars of the $6.5 million. Additionally, Mr. Jackson reported to me that he was deeply troubled by comments made to him by the managing director of NDTV that the funds were delayed on the contract because they were expecting funds allegedly related to Petroleum Trust Development Fund (PTDF) fixed deposits to pay for the rest of the project. Mr. Jackson worried that this source of payment might be improper or perhaps even illegal. After hearing this from Mr. Jackson, I, therefore, refused to be of further help to NDTV to continue its contract with iGate as I did not want a smudge on my reputation, nor that of iGate or Mr. Jackson in dealings in Nigeria. A final concern that Mr. Jackson reported to me, unrelated to the contract violations, nonetheless disturbing, was that he feared he would become involved in Nigerian politics. This is because two of the principals of NDTV continued to press him to agree to have their partnership provide funds out of upcoming operations for the 2007 elections for the current Vice President of Nigeria to become President. At bottom, this is all there is to the matter – a business dispute that is left to be settled between the parties through good-faith negotiations – not through outrageous claims of wrongdoing.''
On receipt of the letter, containing allegations which clearly put question marks on the anti-corruption credentials of his governments, the President in a letter of June 9, 2004, thanked Mr. Jefferson. Additionally, he said he 'had taken immediate steps to ensure full investigations of its (PTDF) activities in order to establish the veracity of the allegations made on the use of its resources to settle the obligations of the NDTV, a private company.' Preliminary investigations indicated that Mr. Jefferson was right about the PTDF. As a result, Alhaji Hamisu Mirago, the Fund's executive secretary was removed. To get to the bottom of the matter, the President directed the police to continue the investigations. These are on-going.
By coincidence, Jefferson became entangled in another case, which involved Vice President Atiku Abubakar. The case was about allegations that Jefferson had asked and received bribes on behalf of the Vice President on a transaction involving the Nigeria Telecommunications Company Limited (NITEL). That case led to the well-published raid on the US home of Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Because the matter involved a high-ranking US citizen, the FBI wrote to the EFCC to investigate the case and share information on the findings. Based on this, the EFCC took over the investigation of the PDTF. It is interesting to know that it was Mr. Jefferson, who has very obvious and deep business links with Vice President Abubakar, and his associates, who blew the whistle that informed the investigation of the PTDF.
After the investigations, a copy of the report was forwarded to the FBI and another to the President apparently because it was found out that the Vice President was directly involved in certain transactions and received cheques in his name. Funds from the PTDF have also been used to fund private projects of the Vice President. Taking great care not to be perceived as operating double standards on the matter of corruption, the President set up an administrative panel to study the EFCC report and advise the Federal Executive Council (FEC). The recourse to administrative panel of inquiry was informed by the fact that government was so embarrassed that it could not trust any other mechanism to advise the findings of the EFCC. Again, the nature of the persons involved required that the report be treated with utmost confidentiality and secrecy.
The panel's report, presented to the FEC, concluded the Vice President abused his office, violated oath of office and the constitution. Since the President has no powers to sanction his deputy, he decided to forward the report to the National Assembly for the information of all members. Less than 90 days after the first deposit on October 10, 2003, TIB advanced a loan of N400 million to NDTV and two days later gave a loan of N420 million to MOFAS. Chief Fasawe has interests in NDTV and MOFAS and serves as Chairman of both companies. A second loan of N30 million was given again to NDTV by TIB barely two months later on Jan 1 2004.
Some eight months before its first TIB loan, February 18, 2003, MOFAS gave N250 million to Marine Float, a company owned by Vice President Atiku Abubakar and incorporated in 1992. The Vice President's company, Marine Float, had in the preceeding month paid N30 million as deposit for the purchase of the headquarters of NDTV, confirming the Vice President's interests in NDTV. From October 2003, MOFAS paid more than N500 million to Umar Pariya, the Personal Assistant of Vice President Atiku Abubakar. On one occasion, the sum of N61 million was paid by MOFAS directly to the Vice President on Jan. 29, 2001. MOFAS also paid N60 million directly to Musa Garba on May 22 2002. Garba is, among other things, a contractor who works for the ABTI establishment comprising the Academy and University owned by the Vice President.
Musa Garba had said, among other things in his statement during investigation, that he had cashed cheques in the past for the Vice President. 'I remember around 2002-2005, Alhaji Atiku brought some drafts on different occasion(s) in favour of my name. He said it is not for ABTI, one of his friends donated to PDP North-East, then I gave him cash for the drafts. He did not tell me the name of the donors since I am not a politician.' (excerpts from statement of Musa Garba). Following the receipt of the loans from TIB in October 2003 and Jan 2004, NDTV concluded the payment for the headquarters of the organisation to the tune of N170 million. NDTV also paid $6.5 million to iGate in two installments. In his letter of May 28, 2004, to President Olusegun Obasanjo, Representative William J. Jefferson of the United States complained that 'One of the principals of NDTV demanded a kick back of one million dollars of the $6.5 million.'
(Vernon L) Jackson, Chairman and CEO of iGate Inc. had, according to Jefferson's letter, 'reported to me that he was deeply troubled by comments made to him by the Managing Director of NDTV that the funds were delayed on the contract because they were expecting funds allegedly related to …PTDF fixed deposits to pay for the rest of the project.' (Note that Vice President Atiku Abubakar authorised that fixed deposits be paid by PTDF under his supervision into ETB and TIB without authorisation of Federal Executive Council).
The left bottom of the chart shows three deposits made to Equitorial Trust Bank (ETB) between June 2002 and July 2003 by PTDF then headed by Yusuf Hamisu Abubakar (aka Mairago). The first deposit of 50 million US dollars was made on June 25, 2002 from the UBA New York account of PTDF to the Bank. (Less than two months after this on August 6 2002, ETB paid 20 million dollars in support of the bid by Globacom). The second deposit of 52.9 million dollars was made by PTDF on July 14 2003 to ETB, while the third deposit of 62.1 million dollars was made on July 17 2003.
Hamisu Abubakar (aka Mairago), former Executive Secretary of PDTF benefitted from loans in excess of 200 million naira from PDTF. A three-million dollar contract with Univision of United Kingdom for the provision of consultancy services for the upgrade of Petroleum Training Institute, Warri and PDTF scholarships was inflated by two million dollars and the fund diverted to four companies owned by Hamisu under the pretext of the companies offering services. The companies are FDZ Nigeria Limited, 19 Wharf Road, Apapa with corresponding bank in Bankers Trust Company in New York; Edginton Limited, 15, Osborne Road, Ikoyi, Lagos with corresponding bank as Habibsons Bank Limited, London and Biosynthesis Nigeria Limited 18, Enugu Crescent and corresponding bank as American Express Bank, New York and Remington Limited, Abuja, BTC, NYC, Brussels.
Hamisu Abubakar remains a dealer and transporter for Conoil owned by Otunba Mike Adenuga. It is now known that Jeffrey Tesler facilitated a loan of 700 million US dollars for Conoil. Tesler is known as an associate of former President Ibrahim Babangida. Mohammed Babangida owns 10 per cent shares in Conpetro which owns 30 per cent shareholding in Conoil. On August 30, 2002, Conoil paid 180 million dollars to support the Globacom bid. The chart, annextures and explanations clearly show that President Obasanjo's submission to the National Assembly was in keeping with his constitutional responsibilities as an elected President who swore to uphold the Constitution. The transactions had nothing to do with the President.
Why the investigation
Following a dispute between NDTV and iGate chaired by Vernon J. Jackson, Congressman William J. Jefferson, representing Second Congressional District of Louisiana on May 28, 2004, wrote to President Obasanjo alleging corruption in the PTDF. To understand the origin and motive of the investigation of the PTDF in the first instance, it will be necessary to copiously quote Mr. Jefferson:
''One of the principals of NDTV demanded a kick-back of one million dollars of the $6.5 million. Additionally, Mr. Jackson reported to me that he was deeply troubled by comments made to him by the managing director of NDTV that the funds were delayed on the contract because they were expecting funds allegedly related to Petroleum Trust Development Fund (PTDF) fixed deposits to pay for the rest of the project. Mr. Jackson worried that this source of payment might be improper or perhaps even illegal. After hearing this from Mr. Jackson, I, therefore, refused to be of further help to NDTV to continue its contract with iGate as I did not want a smudge on my reputation, nor that of iGate or Mr. Jackson in dealings in Nigeria. A final concern that Mr. Jackson reported to me, unrelated to the contract violations, nonetheless disturbing, was that he feared he would become involved in Nigerian politics. This is because two of the principals of NDTV continued to press him to agree to have their partnership provide funds out of upcoming operations for the 2007 elections for the current Vice President of Nigeria to become President. At bottom, this is all there is to the matter – a business dispute that is left to be settled between the parties through good-faith negotiations – not through outrageous claims of wrongdoing.''
On receipt of the letter, containing allegations which clearly put question marks on the anti-corruption credentials of his governments, the President in a letter of June 9, 2004, thanked Mr. Jefferson. Additionally, he said he 'had taken immediate steps to ensure full investigations of its (PTDF) activities in order to establish the veracity of the allegations made on the use of its resources to settle the obligations of the NDTV, a private company.' Preliminary investigations indicated that Mr. Jefferson was right about the PTDF. As a result, Alhaji Hamisu Mirago, the Fund's executive secretary was removed. To get to the bottom of the matter, the President directed the police to continue the investigations. These are on-going.
By coincidence, Jefferson became entangled in another case, which involved Vice President Atiku Abubakar. The case was about allegations that Jefferson had asked and received bribes on behalf of the Vice President on a transaction involving the Nigeria Telecommunications Company Limited (NITEL). That case led to the well-published raid on the US home of Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Because the matter involved a high-ranking US citizen, the FBI wrote to the EFCC to investigate the case and share information on the findings. Based on this, the EFCC took over the investigation of the PDTF. It is interesting to know that it was Mr. Jefferson, who has very obvious and deep business links with Vice President Abubakar, and his associates, who blew the whistle that informed the investigation of the PTDF.
After the investigations, a copy of the report was forwarded to the FBI and another to the President apparently because it was found out that the Vice President was directly involved in certain transactions and received cheques in his name. Funds from the PTDF have also been used to fund private projects of the Vice President. Taking great care not to be perceived as operating double standards on the matter of corruption, the President set up an administrative panel to study the EFCC report and advise the Federal Executive Council (FEC). The recourse to administrative panel of inquiry was informed by the fact that government was so embarrassed that it could not trust any other mechanism to advise the findings of the EFCC. Again, the nature of the persons involved required that the report be treated with utmost confidentiality and secrecy.
The panel's report, presented to the FEC, concluded the Vice President abused his office, violated oath of office and the constitution. Since the President has no powers to sanction his deputy, he decided to forward the report to the National Assembly for the information of all members. Less than 90 days after the first deposit on October 10, 2003, TIB advanced a loan of N400 million to NDTV and two days later gave a loan of N420 million to MOFAS. Chief Fasawe has interests in NDTV and MOFAS and serves as Chairman of both companies. A second loan of N30 million was given again to NDTV by TIB barely two months later on Jan 1 2004.
Some eight months before its first TIB loan, February 18, 2003, MOFAS gave N250 million to Marine Float, a company owned by Vice President Atiku Abubakar and incorporated in 1992. The Vice President's company, Marine Float, had in the preceeding month paid N30 million as deposit for the purchase of the headquarters of NDTV, confirming the Vice President's interests in NDTV. From October 2003, MOFAS paid more than N500 million to Umar Pariya, the Personal Assistant of Vice President Atiku Abubakar. On one occasion, the sum of N61 million was paid by MOFAS directly to the Vice President on Jan. 29, 2001. MOFAS also paid N60 million directly to Musa Garba on May 22 2002. Garba is, among other things, a contractor who works for the ABTI establishment comprising the Academy and University owned by the Vice President.
Musa Garba had said, among other things in his statement during investigation, that he had cashed cheques in the past for the Vice President. 'I remember around 2002-2005, Alhaji Atiku brought some drafts on different occasion(s) in favour of my name. He said it is not for ABTI, one of his friends donated to PDP North-East, then I gave him cash for the drafts. He did not tell me the name of the donors since I am not a politician.' (excerpts from statement of Musa Garba). Following the receipt of the loans from TIB in October 2003 and Jan 2004, NDTV concluded the payment for the headquarters of the organisation to the tune of N170 million. NDTV also paid $6.5 million to iGate in two installments. In his letter of May 28, 2004, to President Olusegun Obasanjo, Representative William J. Jefferson of the United States complained that 'One of the principals of NDTV demanded a kick back of one million dollars of the $6.5 million.'
(Vernon L) Jackson, Chairman and CEO of iGate Inc. had, according to Jefferson's letter, 'reported to me that he was deeply troubled by comments made to him by the Managing Director of NDTV that the funds were delayed on the contract because they were expecting funds allegedly related to …PTDF fixed deposits to pay for the rest of the project.' (Note that Vice President Atiku Abubakar authorised that fixed deposits be paid by PTDF under his supervision into ETB and TIB without authorisation of Federal Executive Council).
The left bottom of the chart shows three deposits made to Equitorial Trust Bank (ETB) between June 2002 and July 2003 by PTDF then headed by Yusuf Hamisu Abubakar (aka Mairago). The first deposit of 50 million US dollars was made on June 25, 2002 from the UBA New York account of PTDF to the Bank. (Less than two months after this on August 6 2002, ETB paid 20 million dollars in support of the bid by Globacom). The second deposit of 52.9 million dollars was made by PTDF on July 14 2003 to ETB, while the third deposit of 62.1 million dollars was made on July 17 2003.
Hamisu Abubakar (aka Mairago), former Executive Secretary of PDTF benefitted from loans in excess of 200 million naira from PDTF. A three-million dollar contract with Univision of United Kingdom for the provision of consultancy services for the upgrade of Petroleum Training Institute, Warri and PDTF scholarships was inflated by two million dollars and the fund diverted to four companies owned by Hamisu under the pretext of the companies offering services. The companies are FDZ Nigeria Limited, 19 Wharf Road, Apapa with corresponding bank in Bankers Trust Company in New York; Edginton Limited, 15, Osborne Road, Ikoyi, Lagos with corresponding bank as Habibsons Bank Limited, London and Biosynthesis Nigeria Limited 18, Enugu Crescent and corresponding bank as American Express Bank, New York and Remington Limited, Abuja, BTC, NYC, Brussels.
Hamisu Abubakar remains a dealer and transporter for Conoil owned by Otunba Mike Adenuga. It is now known that Jeffrey Tesler facilitated a loan of 700 million US dollars for Conoil. Tesler is known as an associate of former President Ibrahim Babangida. Mohammed Babangida owns 10 per cent shares in Conpetro which owns 30 per cent shareholding in Conoil. On August 30, 2002, Conoil paid 180 million dollars to support the Globacom bid. The chart, annextures and explanations clearly show that President Obasanjo's submission to the National Assembly was in keeping with his constitutional responsibilities as an elected President who swore to uphold the Constitution. The transactions had nothing to do with the President.
In his own response, Atiku said President Olusegun Obasanjo also personally benefitted from the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) money deposited in Trans International Bank (TIB) as well as campaign funds in the account of MOFAS Shipping Line.
Atiku's camp, in a statement signed by his media consultant, Mallam Garba Shehu, said: "Documents available to us show that the president, his family, businesses, native community and the PDP of which he has proclaimed himself a life leader, have benefited tremendously from money deposited in the accounts he is now dissociating himself from," adding: "The president’s Personal Assistant, Mr. Bodunde Adeyanju made over 100 sorties to TIB, Abuja (located at Tofa House in the Central Business District) between 1999 and 2004.
"The truth of the matter is that there is a big linkage between Chief Obasanjo and Otunba Fasawe contrary to the claims that the President has made. There are cheques worth over N100 million issued to IBAD Nigeria Limited, a construction company solely owned by Obasanjo from Fasawe’s MOFAS TIB accounts. There are also payments Fasawe directly made to the Obasanjo Africa Leadership Forum and to Obasanjo Campaign Organisation.
"Documentary evidence also reveals that the president even bought a brand new Peugeot 607 for a woman friend, Ms. Lamide from the MOFAS account. The president also bought a Prado Jeep for Mrs. Ajoke Mohammed, wife of the late Head of State, General Murtala Muhammed.
"The vehicles were supplied by R.T. Briscoe in December 2001.
The company also supplied two Coaster buses for Obasanjo’s Bells Comprehensive High School in Ota at about the same time," the statement said.
Continuing, the statement said: "It is false and malicious to allege that funds from the PTDF deposit were used to fund the private projects of the vice president. Otunba Oyewole Fasawe, a long time friend of Atiku donated only a building at ABTI Academy in Yola," adding that the N61 million cheque in the name of Atiku was a forgery as it was allegedly issued in someone else’s name which the president’s camp erased and then superimposed Atiku’s name and re-photocopied.
"That cheque does not exist either in the bank or EFCC record. When EFCC Chairman, Nuhu Ribadu met the vice president in the course of their investigation, he never showed these particular cheques. Even the EFCC report that dripped of blood and hatred did not make any such claim. Where did the draft come from?", the statement queried.
It maintained that: "Instead of Atiku, it is the president who has personally benefited from both the PTDF accounts and campaign money sourced from a ministry under the direct supervision of Mr. President. The purchase of two Coaster buses valued at N11 million for Obasanjo’s Bells Comprehensive School, Ota is proof that the president has personally benefited from Fasawe’s MOFAS accounts at TIB and from the Marine Float account at Habib Bank. The TIB, Abuja branch cheque was issued on December 20, 2001.
An additional N1.95 million was also issued to R.T Briscoe on TIB Apapa branch on 7th December 2001.
"Also, a TIB, Abuja branch cheque of N4 million was issued to Ibogun-Olaogun Development Association on 26th February 2004. Ibogun-Olaogun is Obasanjo’s village. From 1999 until after the elections in 2003, the president, through Bodunde Adeyanju, collected over N3billion from MOFAS account at TIB, Abuja branch.
"The MOFAS account is a dedicated account run by Otunba Fasawe, which was made available to the Presidency and the party is well aware of movements into and from the account. Marine Float was a dormant account placed at the disposal of the campaign. The N500 million Umar Pariya was said to have collected was for campaign activities and for the settling of debts arising from the election expenditures by the party. Cheques drawn on this account and paid to the party, post-2003 election are available and some attached here."
The statement declared United States Congressman William Jefferson as not credible, saying: "He took $6.5m from a Nigerian businessman and refused to supply equipment. He only managed to refund $1.7 million. Jefferson, also lied that he gave the Vice President $100,000 only for the money to be found in his refrigerator by the FBI, as revealed in the affidavit deposed before a judge to obtain a search warrant for his Capitol Hill office."
The Atiku camp also debunked the president’s claim that he decided to probe his deputy after a Jefferson associate tipped him off. "The president wants to punish the vice president for frustrating his third term agenda. It is an act of vendetta. The president has always been privy to all transactions as evidence in the flow of cash from TIB MOFAS account to his family, friends, political party, community and businesses. The payments were made to the campaign.
"As regards the refund of Dariye donation, Governor Joshua Dariye has confirmed paying N100m from ecological fund to the PDP. In the course of investigating Plateau State accounts, Nuhu Ribadu stumbled on this payment, he brought it to the attention of the vice president who was the chairman of the campaign and the vice president took it up with the president, who accepted that they had no option but to return the money. The president paid N50million and insisted, since it was a joint ticket, that the vice president would have to pay the balance. Anyway, Oyo’s new admission that Obasanjo refunded N50m of the Dariye donation contradicts earlier claim by the president and PDP that the donation did not exist.
"It is sad and unfortunate that the president would claim to have assisted the vice president with the money. The vice president and Otunba Oyewole Fasawe are known to have contributed N200 million in 1998 to pay off Obasanjo’s debt to banks. Since then, the vice president has provided various financial assistance to the president.
"Concerning Bodunde Adeyanju, the claim that the money he collected could not be more that N5 million is also false as shown in the copies of cheques hereby attached. Or did Remi Oyo mean Bodunde collected about N5 billion, which is more in the region of withdrawals by Bodunde from the MOFAS accounts on behalf of President Obasanjo.
"We would like to reaffirm that the so-called EFCC and administrative panel reports are politically motivated. The Atiku probe is motivated by malice and bitterness over the president’s life presidency project. The vice president has no regrets over his principled stand. The Nigerian people know that what is playing out now is the politics of vendetta and small-mindedness.
"Finally, we note the fact of Mrs. Oyo’s uncharitable presentation of the vice president as a beggarly junior, who is having to be helped out from time to time by an ever generous boss.
Let it be said here that the vice president will remain grateful to the president for whatever favours he had done to him, but it is also important that we don’t forget where we are coming from. When the late Alhaji Mahmud Attah raised the pertinent issue of the alleged bankruptcy of the then Chief Obasanjo as an obstacle to his Presidency in 1998, the vice president, in consort with some others, did take up the challenge, and with the debt on his neck now paid, threats to the General in his bid for power was staved off. As Fela Anikulapo Kuti said in one of the songs, if we don’t know where we are coming from, we won’t know where we are going," the statement concluded.
"The truth of the matter is that there is a big linkage between Chief Obasanjo and Otunba Fasawe contrary to the claims that the President has made. There are cheques worth over N100 million issued to IBAD Nigeria Limited, a construction company solely owned by Obasanjo from Fasawe’s MOFAS TIB accounts. There are also payments Fasawe directly made to the Obasanjo Africa Leadership Forum and to Obasanjo Campaign Organisation.
"Documentary evidence also reveals that the president even bought a brand new Peugeot 607 for a woman friend, Ms. Lamide from the MOFAS account. The president also bought a Prado Jeep for Mrs. Ajoke Mohammed, wife of the late Head of State, General Murtala Muhammed.
"The vehicles were supplied by R.T. Briscoe in December 2001.
The company also supplied two Coaster buses for Obasanjo’s Bells Comprehensive High School in Ota at about the same time," the statement said.
Continuing, the statement said: "It is false and malicious to allege that funds from the PTDF deposit were used to fund the private projects of the vice president. Otunba Oyewole Fasawe, a long time friend of Atiku donated only a building at ABTI Academy in Yola," adding that the N61 million cheque in the name of Atiku was a forgery as it was allegedly issued in someone else’s name which the president’s camp erased and then superimposed Atiku’s name and re-photocopied.
"That cheque does not exist either in the bank or EFCC record. When EFCC Chairman, Nuhu Ribadu met the vice president in the course of their investigation, he never showed these particular cheques. Even the EFCC report that dripped of blood and hatred did not make any such claim. Where did the draft come from?", the statement queried.
It maintained that: "Instead of Atiku, it is the president who has personally benefited from both the PTDF accounts and campaign money sourced from a ministry under the direct supervision of Mr. President. The purchase of two Coaster buses valued at N11 million for Obasanjo’s Bells Comprehensive School, Ota is proof that the president has personally benefited from Fasawe’s MOFAS accounts at TIB and from the Marine Float account at Habib Bank. The TIB, Abuja branch cheque was issued on December 20, 2001.
An additional N1.95 million was also issued to R.T Briscoe on TIB Apapa branch on 7th December 2001.
"Also, a TIB, Abuja branch cheque of N4 million was issued to Ibogun-Olaogun Development Association on 26th February 2004. Ibogun-Olaogun is Obasanjo’s village. From 1999 until after the elections in 2003, the president, through Bodunde Adeyanju, collected over N3billion from MOFAS account at TIB, Abuja branch.
"The MOFAS account is a dedicated account run by Otunba Fasawe, which was made available to the Presidency and the party is well aware of movements into and from the account. Marine Float was a dormant account placed at the disposal of the campaign. The N500 million Umar Pariya was said to have collected was for campaign activities and for the settling of debts arising from the election expenditures by the party. Cheques drawn on this account and paid to the party, post-2003 election are available and some attached here."
The statement declared United States Congressman William Jefferson as not credible, saying: "He took $6.5m from a Nigerian businessman and refused to supply equipment. He only managed to refund $1.7 million. Jefferson, also lied that he gave the Vice President $100,000 only for the money to be found in his refrigerator by the FBI, as revealed in the affidavit deposed before a judge to obtain a search warrant for his Capitol Hill office."
The Atiku camp also debunked the president’s claim that he decided to probe his deputy after a Jefferson associate tipped him off. "The president wants to punish the vice president for frustrating his third term agenda. It is an act of vendetta. The president has always been privy to all transactions as evidence in the flow of cash from TIB MOFAS account to his family, friends, political party, community and businesses. The payments were made to the campaign.
"As regards the refund of Dariye donation, Governor Joshua Dariye has confirmed paying N100m from ecological fund to the PDP. In the course of investigating Plateau State accounts, Nuhu Ribadu stumbled on this payment, he brought it to the attention of the vice president who was the chairman of the campaign and the vice president took it up with the president, who accepted that they had no option but to return the money. The president paid N50million and insisted, since it was a joint ticket, that the vice president would have to pay the balance. Anyway, Oyo’s new admission that Obasanjo refunded N50m of the Dariye donation contradicts earlier claim by the president and PDP that the donation did not exist.
"It is sad and unfortunate that the president would claim to have assisted the vice president with the money. The vice president and Otunba Oyewole Fasawe are known to have contributed N200 million in 1998 to pay off Obasanjo’s debt to banks. Since then, the vice president has provided various financial assistance to the president.
"Concerning Bodunde Adeyanju, the claim that the money he collected could not be more that N5 million is also false as shown in the copies of cheques hereby attached. Or did Remi Oyo mean Bodunde collected about N5 billion, which is more in the region of withdrawals by Bodunde from the MOFAS accounts on behalf of President Obasanjo.
"We would like to reaffirm that the so-called EFCC and administrative panel reports are politically motivated. The Atiku probe is motivated by malice and bitterness over the president’s life presidency project. The vice president has no regrets over his principled stand. The Nigerian people know that what is playing out now is the politics of vendetta and small-mindedness.
"Finally, we note the fact of Mrs. Oyo’s uncharitable presentation of the vice president as a beggarly junior, who is having to be helped out from time to time by an ever generous boss.
Let it be said here that the vice president will remain grateful to the president for whatever favours he had done to him, but it is also important that we don’t forget where we are coming from. When the late Alhaji Mahmud Attah raised the pertinent issue of the alleged bankruptcy of the then Chief Obasanjo as an obstacle to his Presidency in 1998, the vice president, in consort with some others, did take up the challenge, and with the debt on his neck now paid, threats to the General in his bid for power was staved off. As Fela Anikulapo Kuti said in one of the songs, if we don’t know where we are coming from, we won’t know where we are going," the statement concluded.
